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Sunday, November 07, 2010

Why Quantitative Easing is Likely to Trigger a Collapse of the U.S. Dollar

John P. Hussman, Ph.D.
All rights reserved and actively enforced.

Reprint Policy

A week ago, the Federal Reserve initiated a new program of "quantitative easing" (QE), with the Fed purchasing U.S. Treasury securities and paying for those securities by creating billions of dollars in new monetary base. Treasury bond prices surged on the action. With the U.S. economy predictably weakening, this second round of quantitative easing appears likely to continue. Unfortunately, the unintended side effect of this policy shift is likely to be an abrupt collapse in the foreign exchange value of the U.S. dollar.

How exchange rates are determined - a primer

To understand how currencies fluctuate, it's helpful to understand two forms of "parity" that operate in the foreign exchange markets.

1) Purchasing Power Parity (PPP): This describes the tendency for long-term exchange rate movements to reflect long-term changes in relative price levels between countries. Suppose for simplicity that a given basket of goods costs $10 in the U.S., and costs FC40 in some other country (where FC is simply a unit of foreign currency). If the goods are identical and can be transported costlessly without any barriers, one would expect that $10 = FC40, or that $1 = FC4. So the exchange rate would satisfy purchasing power parity if one dollar traded for 4 units of foreign currency.

Suppose the foreign country is highly inflationary, so that the price of that basket of goods increases to FC60, while the U.S. experiences no corresponding inflation. PPP suggests that the exchange rate should track the relative price levels between the two countries, resulting in a new exchange rate of $1 = FC6. This would be a "strengthening" or "appreciation" in the dollar, since each dollar would command a greater amount of foreign currency. Conversely, this would be a "weakening" or "depreciation" in the foreign currency, since each unit of FC would command fewer dollars.

More generally, goods and services are not identical across countries and cannot be moved costlessly, so PPP is only a long-term tendency, and is not enforced at every point in time. Still, there is a strong tendency for exchange rate movements, in the long run, to reflect relative inflation rates of inflation between countries. Countries with high rates of inflation tend to depreciate over time, relative to countries with lower rates of inflation, and this depreciation is in nearly direct proportion to the relative changes in price levels (particularly when one uses price indices of tradeable goods).

2) Interest Rate Parity: This describes the tendency for exchange rates to move in a way that offsets expected differences in interest rate returns. Suppose that interest rates in the U.S. are 2%, and interest rates in the foreign country are 5%. If the exchange rate was expected to remain perfectly constant, and there were no barriers to capital movements, investors would have a strong tendency to buy the foreign currency in order to earn the higher interest rate. Of course, the exchange rate would not remain constant, as investors would tend to bid up the foreign currency. In fact, there would be a tendency to bid up the foreign currency until it was sufficiently elevated today that a 3% annual depreciation would be expected in the future. At that point investors would be indifferent, since the 2% interest rate available in the U.S. would be equivalent to the 5% interest - 3% depreciation expected in the foreign currency. From a foreigners perspective, the 5% interest rate available in that country would be equivalent to the 2% interest + 3% appreciation expected in the U.S. dollar.

The key idea is that purchasing power parity holds in the long-run in order to align the prices of internationally traded goods and services, while interest rate parity tends to maintain shorter-term equilibrium in the capital markets. Both are important determinants of currency fluctuations because currencies are both a means of payment and a store of value. You can find a practical example of how PPP and interest rate parity combine to determine exchange rates in Valuing Foreign Currencies, published in September 2000. At the time, I argued that the euro, then at $0.85, was deeply undervalued - and included the following chart. The volatile red line is the $/euro exchange rate (data for the German mark is used prior to 1999), the blue line is PPP, and the thin line is our calculation of the value of the euro implied by interest rates as well as price levels.

Since inflation rates as well as nominal interest rates are important in determining exchange rates, one would expect that real, after-inflation rates are also important. Indeed, this is true - and with a little bit of algebra, one can show that a currency should deviate PPP by an amount that reflects the difference in real interest rates expected between the two countries over time. Currencies with relatively high real interest rates will tend to trade well above PPP, while currencies with low or negative real interest rates will tend to trade below their PPP values.

Why quantitative easing is likely to trigger a collapse of the U.S. dollar

Consider a situation in which there is zero anticipated inflation in both the U.S. and in a given foreign country. In this situation, PPP implies a flat long-term profile for exchange rates, because there is no pressure in the goods market for currency values to change over time. Meanwhile, suppose that interest rates (say, on 10-year government notes) in the U.S. and the foreign country are both at 4%. In this situation, an investor in the U.S. expects a 4% return from domestic Treasury notes, and with no expected currency appreciation, also expects a 4% return from investing in the foreign country. In this situation, both PPP and interest rate parity can be satisfied with an exchange rate that simply remains constant.

In contrast, quantitative easing can be expected to create a remarkably different situation. The Fed's purchase of Treasury securities and creation of base money is occurring in an environment where fiscal deficits are already out of control, while two-thirds of the Fed's balance sheet already represents Fannie and Freddie Mac securities that need to be bailed out by the Treasury. This makes it enormously difficult to reverse the Fed's transactions - because the Fed is not simply determining whether a given stock of government liabilities will take the form of Treasury bonds or currency. It is instead effectively printing new money to finance ongoing spending for fiscal deficits and the bailout of the GSEs. At the same time, the fact that it is operating in a weak economy and a near-term deflationary environment means that nominal interest rates are being pressed down at the same time that long-term inflationary prospects are escalating.

From the standpoint of the two parity conditions, the very long-term implication of quantitative easing is a gradual devaluation of the U.S. dollar (an increase in the dollar price $/FC of foreign currency). If this increased inflation risk was reflected in interest rates (so that real interest rates were held constant), the U.S. dollar would simply move along that gradually sloped PPP line, and likewise, foreign currencies would gradually appreciate against the dollar.

However, because of economic weakness and credit strains, coupled with the demand for Treasuries by the Fed, quantitative easing instead moves U.S. interest rates in the opposite direction, falling rather than rising. From the standpoint of interest rate parity, capital market equilibrium then requires the U.S. dollar to depreciate immediately, by a sufficient amount to set up the expectation of future appreciation in order to offset the shortfall of U.S. interest rate returns.

In short, quantitative easing is likely to induce what the late MIT economist Rudiger Dornbusch described as "exchange rate overshooting" - a large and abrupt shift in the spot exchange rate that occurs in order to align long-term equilibrium in the market for goods and services with short-term equilibrium in the capital markets.

This adjustment is depicted in the diagram below. In response to the monetary shock, a modest but long-term depreciation in the dollar (a rise in the U.S. dollar price of foreign currency) is required, depicted by the blue line. However, since nominal interest rates in the U.S. actually decline, ongoing equilibrium in the capital market requires that the U.S. dollar must be expected to appreciate over time by enough to offset the lost interest. As a result, quantitative easing is likely to result in an abrupt "jump depreciation" of the U.S. dollar (that is, a spike in the value of foreign currencies).

Frankly, I've always thought Dornbush's use of the word "overshooting" was unfortunate, because it implies that the exchange rate move is an overreaction, when that is not at all the case. Overshooting refers to the tendency of the spot exchange rate to move beyond its long-term PPP value, but this move is in fact approprate, efficient, and required in order to align the returns that investors can expect in each currency. So it is important to avoid misinterpretation - the policy of quantitative easing is likely to force a large adjustment on the U.S. dollar because the Federal Reserve is choosing to lay a heavier hand on the Treasury bond market than would result from economic conditions alone. The resulting shift in interest rates and long-term inflation prospects combine to dramatically reduce the attractiveness of the U.S. dollar. A significant and relatively abrupt devaluation is then required, in an amount sufficient to set up expectations of a U.S. dollar appreciation over time.

Just to avoid misinterpretation, I am not suggesting that there is a near-term risk of inflation, nor am I suggesting that quantitative easing is inflationary per se. The primary driver of long-term inflation pressure has always been, and continues to be, growth in the total quantity of government liabilities (both monetary base and government debt) for purposes that do not expand the productive capacity of the economy. This total quantity is determined by fiscal policy, and the form of those liabilities hardly matters because currency and government debt are close substitutes in the portfolios of individuals. So the argument here is not that quantitative easing will create inflation which will hurt the dollar. The argument is more subtle. It is that we are running a fiscal policy that is long run (though not short-run) inflationary, and that the monetary policy of quantitative easing prevents longer term interest rates from acting as an adjustment variable, since the Fed is essentially announcing that it will lean on the Treasury bond market. By suppressing Treasury yields, the Fed forces the exchange rate to bear the full weight of the adjustment.

Importantly, the Fed's policy need not suppress real interest rates by more than a percent or two to create dramatic pressure on the dollar. One way to think about the price jump required by exchange rate overshooting is to think about a long-term bond. If a 10-year zero-coupon bond with a $100 face is priced to deliver 0% annually, it will have a price of $100. If investors suddenly demand the bond to be priced to deliver 2% annually, the bond must experience an immediate drop in price to $82. Once that price drop occurs, the selling pressure on the bond will abate, since it will now be expected to appreciate at a 2% annual rate.

My impression is that Ben Bernanke has little sense of the damage he is about to provoke. A central banker who talks about throwing money from helicopters is not only arrogant but foolish. Nearly a century ago, the great economist Ludwig von Mises observed that massive central bank easing is invariably a form of cowardice that attempts to avoid the need to restructure debt or correct fiscal deficits, avoiding wiser but more difficult choices by instead destroying the value of the currency.

Von Mises wrote, "A government always finds itself obliged to resort to inflationary measures when it cannot negotiate loans and dare not levy taxes, because it has reason to fear that it will forfeit approval of the policy it is following if it reveals too soon the financial and general economic consequences of that policy. Thus inflation becomes the most important psychological resource of any economic policy whose consequences have to be concealed; and so in this sense it can be called an instrument of unpopular, that is, of antidemocratic policy, since by misleading public opinion it makes possible the continued existence of a system of government that would have no hope of the consent of the people if the circumstances were clearly laid before them. That is the political function of inflation. When governments do not think it necessary to accommodate their expenditure and arrogate to themselves the right of making up the deficit by issuing notes, their ideology is merely a disguised absolutism."

As a side note, von Mises also cautioned against the misconception that destroying the value of a currency would have a sustainable benefit for the economy, writing "If the depreciation is desired in order to 'stimulate production' and to make exportation easier and importation more difficult in relation to other countries, then it must be borne in mind that the 'beneficial effects' on trade of the depreciation of money only last so long as the depreciation has not affected all commodities and services. Once the adjustment is completed, then these 'beneficial effects' disappear. If it is desired to retain them permanently, continual resort must be had to fresh diminutions of the purchasing power of money."

Market Climate

As of last week, the Market Climate for stocks was characterized by unfavorable valuations, unfavorable market action, and unfavorable economic pressures. I've noted for weeks that the damage to market action was not quite to the level that would create urgent downside concerns. However, the deterioration we observed last week suggests a more urgent shift to defensive positioning. For our part, the Strategic Growth Fund remains fully hedged at present.

In bonds, the Market Climate was characterized last week by unfavorable yield levels but favorable yield pressures. Treasury securities have advanced sharply on the initial quantitative easing purchases by the Fed. Meanwhile, the jump in unemployment claims to 500,000 and the surprising drop in the Philadelphia Fed index are both consistent with the weakening economic conditions that are clearly implied by leading measures. If anything, those deteriorations appear to be early, not late-stage observations. As I've noted regularly in recent commentaries, normal lead-times would suggest a deterioration in the ISM Purchasing Managers Index in the August-September data, while new claims for unemployment typically have an even longer lag, which would normally make us expect strains closer to October. Suffice it to say that the much earlier deterioration in economic measures is not encouraging, but it also opens up the possibility that we may see some misleading "improvement" in the data in the next few weeks before we get into the more typical window of deterioration.

As one might infer from the content of this week's remarks, my view is that the quick initiation of quantitative easing by the Federal Reserve has significantly changed the prospects for foreign currencies and by extension, precious metals. For the past couple of months, I've observed that deflation risks in response to fresh economic weakness were likely to provoke weakness in the commodity area, even if long-term inflationary concerns were accurate. However, my impression is that the Fed's immediate initiation of quantitative easing may cause investors to take deflation concerns "off the table." This is important, because even as we observe economic deterioration, the potential for a "deflationary scare" is likely to be more muted than we might have expected without explicit quantitative easing actions.

This doesn't entirely remove those risks, of course, particularly if we begin to observe a spike in credit spreads (which would be associated with default concerns and a likely drop in monetary velocity), but it clearly changes the environment. Gold stocks and the XAU have essentially gone nowhere since May. Last week, in response to a favorable shift in the Market Climate for precious metals and currencies (largely resulting from the shift in Fed policy and interest rates), we increased our exposure to precious metals in the Strategic Total Return Fund toward 10% of assets, and raised our exposure to foreign currencies to about 5% of assets. This is still not an aggressive stance, and we would prefer the opportunity to accumulate a larger exposure on substantial price weakness, if it occurs. But as this week's comment makes clear, the Federal Reserve has begun to play with fire, the effects of which I doubt Bernanke fully appreciates.

Good policy is not rocket science. It begins with the refusal to make people pay for mistakes that are not their own. This economy continues to struggle with a fundamental problem, which is that debt obligations exceed the ability to service them. While policy makers have done everything to preserve the patterns of spending and consumption that created the problem in the first place, we have done nothing to restructure those obligations.

To the extent that we observe fresh credit problems, we should not pursue the same policies. Instead, we should focus on restructuring debt. Let the bank bondholders fail, and defend depositors and customers through the standard procedures that the FDIC has followed for decades. Deal with the debt of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac by asserting that there is no explicit government guarantee, and let the holders of the mortgage pools receive precisely what they are entitled to receive without public funds. At the same time, expand the role of the FHA to provide explicit government guarantees for future mortgages in return for actuarily fair risk-based premiums, and require mortgage originators to retain a piece of the mortgage loan, along with appropriate capital requirements, and the stipulation that this retained portion bears the first loss if the mortgage goes bad. Finally, refuse to trot self-interested bank and Wall Street executives in front of the public to extort the nation through fear of the word "failure." Banks fail all the time and customers don't lose a cent. The only implication of failure is that stock and bondholders of reckless institutions aren't rewarded for their malinvestment at public expense.

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Prospectuses for the Hussman Strategic Growth Fund and the Hussman Strategic Total Return Fund, as well as Fund reports and other information, are available by clicking "The Funds" menu button from any page of this website.

Bernanke Leaps into a Liquidity Trap

John P. Hussman, Ph.D. www.hussmanfunds.com

"There is the possibility ... that after the rate of interest has fallen to a certain level, liquidity preference is virtually absolute in the sense that almost everyone prefers cash to holding a debt at so low a rate of interest. In this event, the monetary authority would have lost effective control." - John Maynard Keynes, The General Theory

One of the many controversies regarding Keynesian economic theory centers around the idea of a "liquidity trap." Apart from suggesting the potential risk, Keynes himself did not focus much of his analysis on the idea, so much of what passes for debate is based on the ideas of economists other than Keynes, particularly Keynes' contemporary John Hicks. In the Hicksian interpretation of the liquidity trap, monetary policy transmits its effect on the real economy by way of interest rates. In that view, the loss of monetary control occurs because, at some point, a further reduction of interest rates fails to stimulate additional demand for capital investment.

Alternatively, monetary policy might transmit its effect on the real economy by directly altering the quantity of funds available to lend. In that view, a liquidity trap would be characterized by the failure of real investment and output to expand in response to increases in the monetary base (currency and reserves).

In either case, the hallmark of a liquidity trap is that holdings of money become "infinitely elastic." As the monetary base is increased, banks, corporations, and individuals simply choose to hold onto those additional money balances, with no effect on the real economy. The typical Econ 101 chart of this is drawn in terms of "liquidity preference," that is, desired cash holdings plotted against interest rates. When interest rates are high, people choose to hold less cash because cash doesn't earn interest. As interest rates decline toward zero (and especially if the Fed chooses to pay banks interest on cash reserves, which is presently the case), there is no effective difference between holding riskless debt securities (say, Treasury bills) and riskless cash balances, so additional cash balances are simply kept idle.

Liquidity Trap


Velocity

A related way to think about a liquidity trap is in terms of monetary velocity: nominal GDP divided by the monetary base. (The identity, which is true by definition, is M * V = P * Y - the monetary base times velocity is equal to the price level times real output).

Velocity is just the dollar value of GDP that the economy produces per dollar of monetary base. You can also think of velocity as the number of times that one dollar "turns over" each year to purchase goods and services in the economy. Rising velocity implies that money is "turning over" more rapidly, so that nominal GDP is increasing faster than the stock of money. If velocity rises, holding the quantity of money constant, you'll observe either growth in real output or inflation. Falling velocity implies that a given stock of money is being hoarded, so that nominal GDP is growing slower than the stock of money. If velocity falls, holding the quantity of money constant, you'll observe either a decline in real GDP or deflation.

The belief that an increase in the money supply will result in an increase in GDP relies on the assumption that velocity will not decline in proportion to the increase in money. Unfortunately for the proponents of "quantitative easing," this assumption fails spectacularly in the data - both in the U.S. and internationally - particularly at a zero interest rate.


How to Spot a Liquidity Trap

The chart below plots the velocity of the U.S. monetary base against interest rates since 1947. Since high money holdings correspond to low velocity, the graph is simply the mirror image of the theoretical chart above.

Few theoretical relationships in economics hold quite this well. Recall that a Keynesian liquidity trap occurs at the point when interest rates become so low that cash balances are passively held regardless of their size. The relationship between interest rates and velocity therefore goes flat at low interest rates, since increases in the money stock simply produce a proportional decline in velocity, without requiring any further decline in yields. Notice the cluster of observations where the interest rate is zero? Those are the most recent data points.

3-Month T-Bills and Velocity of Monetary Base

One might argue that while short-term interest rates are essentially zero, long-term interest rates are not, which might leave some room for a "Hicksian" effect from QE - that is, a boost to investment and economic activity in response to a further decline in long-term interest rates. The problem here is that longer-term interest rates, in an expectations sense, are already essentially at zero. The remaining yield on longer-term bonds is a risk premium that is commensurate with U.S. interest-rate volatility (Japanese risk premiums are lower, but they also have nearly zero interest-rate variability). So QE at this point represents little but an effort to drive risk premiums to levels that are inadequate to compensate investors for risk. This is unlikely to go well. Moreover, as noted below, the precise level of long-term interest rates is not the main constraint on borrowing here. The key issues are the rational desire to reduce debt loads, and the inadequacy of profitable investment opportunities in an economy flooded with excess capacity.

One of the most fascinating aspects of the current debate about monetary policy is the belief that changes in the money stock are tightly related either to GDP growth or inflation at all. Look at the historical data and you will find no evidence of it. Over the years, I've repeatedly emphasized that inflation is primarily a reflection of fiscal policy - specifically, growth in the outstanding quantity of government liabilities, regardless of their form, in order to finance unproductive spending. Look at the experience of the 1970s (which followed large expansions in transfer payments), as well as every historical hyperinflation, and you'll find massive increases in government spending that were made without regard to productivity (Germany's hyperinflation, for instance, was provoked by continuous wage payments to striking workers).

Likewise, real economic growth has no observable correlation with growth in the monetary base (the correlation is actually slightly negative but insignificant). Rather, economic growth is the result of hundreds of millions of individual decision-makers, each acting in their best interests to shift their consumption plans, saving, and investment in response to desirable opportunities that they face. Their behavior cannot simply be induced by changes in the money supply or in interest rates, absent those desirable opportunities.

You can see why monetary-base manipulations have so little effect on GDP by examining U.S. data since 1947. Expand the quantity of base money, and it turns out that velocity falls in nearly direct proportion. The cluster of points at the bottom right reflect the most recent data.

Percent Change in Monetary Base and Base Velocity

[Geek's Note: The slope of the relationship plotted above is approximately -1, while the Y intercept is just over 6%, which makes sense, and reflects the long-term growth of nominal GDP, virtually independent of variations in the monetary base. For example, 6% growth in nominal GDP is consistent with 0% M and 6% V, 5% M and 1% V, 10% M and -4% V, etc. There is somewhat more scatter in 3-year, 2-year and 1-year charts, but it is random scatter. If expansions in base money were correlated with predictably higher GDP growth, and contractions in base money were correlated with predictably lower GDP growth, the slope of the line would be flatter and the fit would still be reasonably good. We don't observe this.]

Just to drive the point home, the chart below presents the same historical relationship in Japanese data over the past two decades. One wonders why anyone expects quantitative easing in the U.S. to be any less futile than it was in Japan.

Percent Change in Japan Monetary Base

Simply put, monetary policy is far less effective in affecting real (or even nominal) economic activity than investors seem to believe. The main effect of a change in the monetary base is to change monetary velocity and short-term interest rates. Once short-term interest rates drop to zero, further expansions in base money simply induce a proportional collapse in velocity.

I should emphasize that the Federal Reserve does have an essential role in providing liquidity during periods of crisis, such as bank runs, when people are rapidly converting bank deposits into currency. Undoubtedly, we would have preferred the Fed to have provided that liquidity in recent years through open-market operations using Treasury securities, rather than outright purchases of the debt securities of insolvent financial institutions, which the public is now on the hook to make whole. The Fed should not be in the insolvency bailout game. Outside of open-market operations using Treasuries, Fed loans during a crisis should be exactly that, loans - and preferably following Bagehot's Rule ("lend freely but at a high rate of interest"). Moreover, those loans must be senior to any obligation to bank bondholders - the public's claim should precede private claims. In any event, when liquidity constraints are truly binding, the Fed has an essential function in the economy.

At present, however, the governors of the Fed are creating massive distortions in the financial markets with little hope of improving real economic growth or employment. There is no question that the Fed has the ability to affect the supply of base money, and can affect the level of long-term interest rates, given a sufficient volume of intervention. The real issue is that neither of these factors is currently imposing a binding constraint on economic growth, so there is no benefit in relaxing them further. The Fed is pushing on a string.


Toy Blocks

Certain economic equations and regularities make it tempting to assume that there are simple cause-effect relationships that would allow a policy maker to directly manipulate prices and output. While the Fed can control the monetary base, the behavior of prices and output is based on a whole range of factors outside of the Fed's control. Except at the shortest maturities, interest rates are also a function of factors well beyond monetary policy.

Analysts and even policy makers often ignore equilibrium, preferring to think only in terms of demand, or only in terms of supply. For example, it is widely believed that lower real interest rates will result in higher economic growth. But in fact, the historical correlation between real interest rates and GDP growth has been positive - on balance, higher real interest rates are associated with higher economic growth over the following year. This is because higher rates reflect strong demand for loans and an abundance of desirable investment projects. Of course, nobody would propose a policy of raising real interest rates to stimulate economic activity, because they would recognize that higher real interest rates were an effect of strong loan demand, and could not be used to cause it. Yet despite the fact that loan demand is weak at present, due to the lack of desirable investment projects and the desire to reduce debt loads (which has in turn contributed to keeping interest rates low), the Fed seems to believe that it can eliminate these problems simply by depressing interest rates further. Memo to Ben Bernanke: Loan demand is inelastic here, and for good reason. Whatever happened to thinking in terms of equilibrium?

Neither economic growth nor the demand for loans is a simple function of interest rates. If consumers wish to reduce their debt, and companies do not have a desirable menu of potential investments, there is little benefit in reducing interest rates by another percentage point, because the precise cost of borrowing is not the issue. The current thinking by the FOMC seems to treat individual economic actors as little, unthinking toy blocks that can be moved into the desired positions at will. Instead, our policy makers should be carefully examining the constraints and interests that are important to people, and act in a way that responsibly addresses those constraints.

A good example of this "toy block" thinking is the notion of forcing individuals to spend more and save less by increasing people's expectations about inflation (which would drive real interest rates to negative levels). As I noted last week, if one examines economic history, one quickly discovers that just as lower nominal interest rates are associated with lower monetary velocity, negative real interest rates are associated with lower velocity of commodities (hoarding). Look at the price of gold since 1975. When real interest rates have been negative (even simply measured as the 3-month Treasury bill yield minus trailing annual CPI inflation), gold prices have appreciated at a 20.7% annual rate. In contrast, when real interest rates have been positive, gold has appreciated at just 2.1% annually. The tendency toward commodity hoarding is particularly strong when economic conditions are very weak and desirable options for real investment are not available. When real interest rates have been negative and the Purchasing Managers Index has been below 50, the XAU gold index has appreciated at an 85.7% annual rate, compared with a rate of just 0.1% when neither has been true. Despite these tendencies, investors should be aware that the volatility of gold stocks can often be intolerable, so finer methods of analysis are also essential.

Quantitative easing promises to have little effect except to provoke commodity hoarding, a decline in bond yields to levels that reflect nothing but risk premiums for maturity risk, and an expansion in stock valuations to levels that have rarely been sustained for long (the current Shiller P/E of 22 for the S&P 500 has typically been followed by 5- to 10-year total returns below 5% annually). The Fed is not helping the economy, it is encouraging a bubble in risky assets, and an increasingly unstable one at that. The Fed has now placed itself in the position where small changes in its announced policy could have disastrous effects on a whole range of financial markets. This is not sound economic thinking but misguided tinkering with the stability of the economy.


Implications for Policy

In 1978, MIT economist Nathaniel Mass developed a framework for the liquidity trap based on microeconomic theory - rational decisions made at the level of individual consumers and firms. The economic dynamics resulting from the model he suggested seem strikingly familiar in the context of the recent economic downturn. They offer a useful way to think about the current economic environment and appropriate policy responses that might be taken.

"The theory revolves around a set of forces that for a period of time promote cumulative expansion of capital formation, but eventually lead to overexpansion of capital production capacity and then into a situation where excess capacity strongly counteracts expansionary monetary policies.

"The capital boom followed by depression runs much longer than the usual short-term business cycle, and is powerfully driven by capital investment interactions. The weak impact of monetary stimulus on real activity arises because additional money has little force in stimulating additional capital investment during a period of general overcapacity. Instead, money is withheld in idle balances when profitable investment opportunities are scarce."

In one illustration of the model, Mass introduces a monetary stimulus much like what Alan Greenspan engineered following the 2000-2002 recession (which was also preceded by an unusually large buildup of excess capacity, leading to an investment-led downturn). Though Greenspan's easy-money policy didn't prompt a great deal of business investment, it did help to fuel the expansion in another form of investment, specifically housing. Mass describes the resulting economic dynamics:

"Following the monetary intervention, relatively easy money provides a greater incentive to order capital... But now the overcapacity that characterizes the peak in the production of capital goods reaches an even higher level than without the stimulus. This overcapacity eventually makes further investment even less attractive and causes the decline in capital output to proceed from a higher peak and at a faster pace. Due to persistent excess capital which cannot be reduced as fast as labor can be cut back to alleviate excess production, unemployment actually remains higher on the average following the drop in production."

In what reads today as a further warning against Bernanke-style quantitative easing, Mass observed:

"Even aggressive monetary intervention can do little to correct excess capital... Once excess capacity develops, the forces that previously led to aggressive expansion are almost played out. Efforts to prolong high investment can produce even more excess capital and lead to a more pronounced readjustment later."

Mass concluded his 1978 paper with an observation from economist Robert Gordon:

"Why was the recovery of the 1930's so slow and halting in the United States, and why did it stop so far short of full employment? We have seen that the trouble lay primarily in the lack of inducement to invest. Even with abnormally low interest rates, the economy was unable to generate a volume of investment high enough to raise aggregate demand to the full employment level."

I've generally been critical of Keynes' willingness to advocate government spending regardless of its quality, which focused too little on the long-term effects of diverting private resources to potentially unproductive uses. His remark that "In the long-run we are all dead" was a reflection of this indifference. Still, I do believe that fiscal responses can be useful in a protracted economic downturn, and can include projects such as public infrastructure, incentives for research and development, and investment incentives in sectors that are not burdened with overcapacity. Additional deficit spending is harmful when it fails to produce a stream of future output sufficient to service the debt, so the expected productivity of these projects is the essential consideration. Given present economic conditions, it appears clear that Keynes was right about the dangers of easy monetary policy when an economic downturn results from overcapacity. As I noted last week in The Recklessness of Quantitative Easing, better options are available on the fiscal menu.

Saturday, November 06, 2010

QE2

From Richard Russell:

“Right now, we’re seeing the results of a bubble in Fed-created liquidity. When the water continues to pour into a bath-tub, everything — the rubber ducks, the plastic boats, the soap bars — float up with the water line. This goes on until either the water flows over the tub and onto the floor — or mom comes in and pulls the plug. I think that’s what we’re experiencing now in the markets. Everything tradeable, stocks, bonds, gold, silver, commodities in general are rising. I call it an all-around mega-bubble. It will continue until someone, purposely, or by mistake, pulls the plug. There are only two items which seem immune to the surging liquidity. The two items are home prices and unemployment. But there’s another possibility. Build a tower out of children’s blocks. You can build that tower just so high, and at some point the last block is too much. The tower shudders, it tilts and falls over.”

Sunday, September 19, 2010

Setiment Cycle

Definition of Deflation, Inflation and Hyperinflation

Deflation: A decrease in the prices of goods and services, usually tied to a contraction of money in circulation. Formal deflation is measured in terms of year-to-year change.

Inflation: An increase in the prices of goods and services, usually tied to an increase of money in circulation.

Hyperinflation: Extreme inflation, minimally in excess of four-digit annual percent change, where the involved currency becomes worthless. A fairly crude definition of hyperinflation is a circumstance, where, due to extremely rapid price increases, the largest pre-hyperinflation bank note ($100 bill in the United States) becomes worth more as functional toilet paper/tissue than as currency.

Sunday, August 29, 2010

Practice Deep Learning to Master Trading Skills

Deep Practice gives an overview of what kind of practice seems to build myelin and gives examples from sources as diverse as skateboarders, the Bronte sisters, and Renaissance artists. Coyle’s term Deep Practice is in most ways similar to Ericsson’s Deliberate Practice and my own notion of Intentional Practice. He culls three rules of Deep Practice:

1. Chunk it up: Basically this consists of breaking things into pieces that are more easily done or thought about. It also includes listening to and/or absorbing the whole before breaking the skill down and includes changing the material to make it easier, for example, slowing down a difficult musical passage.

2. Repeat it. This is pretty self-explanatory, but also not as simple as it sounds.

3. Learn to Feel it. This includes sensing (and remembering!) how something feels when it is done right, but also developing awareness of how it feels to struggle.

Secular US Market Cycle

Four Formulas A Trader Must Master

1) Risk of Ruin

Risk of ruin = [ {1-(W-L)}/{1+(W-L)}] Power of U
W = Probability of winning, L= Probability of losing and U= # of units of money on the account.
E.g W is 56%, L is 44%, U is 5 .
Risk of ruin = [ {1-(0.56-0.44)}/{1+(0.56-0.44)}] power of 5 = 30%

You must avoiding risk of ruin, achieve ZERO% risk of ruin. E.g Using 20 U and min 63% W, and min 1.5 win to loss trade.

2) Expectancy

Expected return $$ = [ P of winning x Ave win/Ave loss ]-[P of loasing x Ave win/Ave loss ]
High Expectancy can be achieve with low accuracy e.g 30% but high Ave Win vs Ave Loss
Trend Trading min Positive expectancy with P of winning 34% with 3 to 1 Win/Loss ratio.

3) Holy Grail = Positive Expectancy x Opportunities

4) Kelly Formula

Kelly Formula F= (R+1)*P-1)/R
P= % accuracy of the system winning
R= Ratio of winning trade to losing trade
E.g Accuracy P 65% and win R 1.3 size of loss
F= (1.3+1)*0.65-1)/1.3= 85%